![]() All are found to be reasonably well supported. Because these propositions had been widely criticized in public media as being false and pseudoscientific, they are examined here for support in the scientific literature. 22–23) stated six propositions concerning a g factor of intelligence. This paper develops a checklist for identifying “partial regimes” that constitute regime-hybridity and applies it to the case of Colombia to identify linkages between political transition and socioeconomic transformation. It is at this level that the work on transitions can be connected to the research on the dynamics of economic exclusion in the context of rent economies. Underlying the concept is the assumption that the “political regime” stretches beyond the institutions of the state to include civil society. type in which “partial regimes” within the “political regime” are democratic while others are nondemocratic, although not necessarily authoritarian. ![]() Regime-hybridity is defined as a specific regime. Should it be abandoned because the third wave of transitions to democracy has ended, or should it continue because so much remains unaccounted for regarding the third wave? This paper suggests that regime hybridity constitutes a widespread institutional setting resulting from incomplete transitions. Research on transitions has reached a crossroad. The process of European integration may be one of the most interesting manifestations of a general problem in today's societies: how to reconstruct political authority to confront the new challenges of communal life. ![]() (3) The resulting description cannot be less complex than that which it is attempting to describe, so the task of repairing EU legitimacy should be carried out through a sophisticated division of labor (between institutions, criteria, and values). (2) Polarizing the legitimacy framework around two possibilities (input and output) seems to be a simplification that does not do justice to the intricate way in which the results and the procedures, effectiveness and consent are related in a democracy. For this very reason, it makes no sense to entrust the entire solution to the strengthening of one single criterion (participation, effectiveness, or communication, for example). The article begin the analysis with three hypotheses: (1) none of the attempts to explain the crisis that focus on a single deficit or weakness seems satisfactory, so the discussion should focus on the way these types of deficiencies are expressed and the extent to which each one of them is involved. We are still unable to correctly identify the true crisis in Europe: whether it is a question of a lack of a demos or cratos whether it is the democracy, legitimacy, or justice that is inadequate whether we are facing a problem of intelligibility or of too little politicization.
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